Breaking The News – About Media in Botswana

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Beitrag für Palaver 12/2008 – Kleine Schriften zum Südlichen Afrika: Multifacated Perspectives.
A Project Seminar on Concepts of Culture and Tradition in Botswana. Herausgegeben von J. Erb und und G.A. Rakelmann. ISSN: 1433-8572.

I am a newsman. I am dealing with news because it is my profession. My daily work is all about passing on information which is new, relevant and interesting to my readers. I am consuming a lot of news: different newspapers and magazines, sites on the internet, radio stations, news agencies and television. Having news available at any time is important to me. I would say that I am into news very much.

With this background, being in Botswana is not always that easy for me: I remember evenings in my tent trying to get at least some pieces of any news with my world receiver. Whatever happened to the waves from stations like BBC, Deutsche Welle or Voice of America, they didn’t come through to places like Kang, Kasane and Kanye.

But tuning in to Botswana radio stations didn’t make it better. Those stations appeared to be different in most respects. The same applies to the newspapers as well. For all this reasons I can say: To me, a trip to Botswana is not only a journey to a different country – it is a passage to a different media sphere as well. Or, to put it in other words, a closer look to the media there gives a better view to Botswana itself.

The media system in Botswana is in several respects somewhat different to Germany. The total number of newspapers and broadcasting stations in Botswana is considerable smaller than in Germany. The patterns of media usage vary in some aspects. The content of media differs notably. And, last not least, my colleagues are working and publishing in a different legal framework.

A different kind of story

Hundreds of newspapers, dozens of TV and radio stations – the media market in Germany is kind of unclear. Besides the 10 large nationwide newspapers the lion share, which is 333, of titles are published for the local and regional market. They sell more than 20 million copies day by day (BDZV 2007). The situation in Botswana is different: There are virtually no regional or local newspapers. The only one I know is the “Ngami Times” issued in Maun.

In addition, the media market is still emerging, as start-up newspapers are published and established titles are discontinued. For example, there is Maun based and out-of-the-ordinary „The Ngami Times“, which claims to be „the last newspaper established in the 20th century“. On the other hand, the 1993 established “Economist” and the 1992 founded “Okavango” are nowadays defunct (Thapisa 2003, 155). The remaining part of newspapers is pretty concise, or as one researcher puts it, “the spectrum of print media in Botswana is not complicated.” (Nyamnjoh (2002, 757): “The Botswana Gazette” (established 1985), “The Botswana Guardian” (1980), “Mmegi – The Reporter” (1984), “The Midweek Sun” (1990), “The Voice” (1993) and “The Mirror” (1997) are the names of the private run newspapers (Thapisa 2003, 155). And, Botswana wouldn’t be Botswana if the government wouldn’t have a finger in the pie: The “Daily News“ is published by the Botswana government and distributed free of charge. Only few countries worldwide offer this kind of service to their citizens; the only comparison in the region is Swaziland’s „Umbiki“ (Fombad 2002, 651f). The “Daily News” first appeared as the „Bechuanaland News“ after the declaration of British Protectorate rule in 1885. (Fombad 2002, 661). „Bechuanaland News“ „essentially acted as a mouthpiece for white settlers and administrators in the colonial days.“ (Fombad 2002, 662)

The number of electronic media is even smaller: Radio Botswana (RB), which is run by the government, offers two channels, RB1 and its commercial wing RB2, established 1965 and 1992 (Thapisa 2003, 155). A predecessor of RB, “Radio Bechuanaland”, has been around since 1934 (Fombad 2002, 660). In the first years after independence in 1966 the government considered RB to be governmental department, and not as a public service corporation like the BBC (Fombad 2002, 665). The RB stations are the only ones which are available in most parts of Botswana because they are being transmitted via medium and short wave, which offers far wider ranges than FM broadcasting. Nevertheless, in Gaborone, Francistown, larger settlements like Kanye and Gabane and in more and more smaller and remote villages like Kang at least one RB station is transmitted by higher quality FM. The private radio channels Gabz FM and Yarona FM are based in the capital and can be received in and around Gaborone area. The newest radio station is Duma FM and started test transmissions in January 2008 (Mmegi 2008). The private stations broadcast via FM and do not offer transmission on medium or short wave carriers (Thapisa 2003, 155).

Botswana Television (BTV) was installed in 2000 and – Botswana is always good for a surprise – is financed and controlled by the government (Fombad 2002, 652). BTV is available via satellite and was Africa’s first TV station that used fully digitalized technology (Thapisa 2003, 154). There are no other genuine Botswana TV stations, neither government run nor private broadcasters (Fombad 2002). Besides, a lot of Batswana receive and enjoy radio and TV broadcasts from the neighbouring countries, mostly South Africa like SABC, e-tv and Jacaranda FM and, if affordable, pay TV stations and are subscription channels which are transmitted terrestrial (MNET) and via satellite and available in most African countries (DBSTV). I remember being a visitor to a friend’s house in Charles Hill, which is close to Botswana-Namibian border post Mamuno. There, in this small village on the wayside of the Trans Kalahari Highway, my friends had satellite TV and offered me – to my delight – to watch BBC News.

Usage tracking

It is not surprising that the patterns of media usage in Botswana are strikingly different from those Germany. This is owed to several facts which can be brought together by the keywords socio-cultural aspects and matters of physical infrastructure. These aspects are linked to the somewhat unique history of Botswana. For example, the state plays a major role in the media system, and it dominates at least the electronic media. This role is rooted in a traditional strong state and a paternalistic government which feels like being in charge for its people, even when it comes to matters like news and information supply. For instance, “The Daily News” is distributed free of charge, but made by bureaucrats who are controlled by the Ministry of Communication.

This attitude has doubtless some advantages, but as a journalist I have to underline that state owned and government controlled media are somewhat problematic. And, as the younger media history shows, sway and functional elites as the driving powers behind that kind of media are everything else than plain sailing. To draw an analogy to Germany (even if this is a rather lopsided comparison): Imagine one of the biggest German newspapers like “Süddeutsche Zeitung” or “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung” and a nation wide press agency like “Deutsche Presseagentur” would be controlled by the Federal Government. Imagine, the journalists working there were subordinate to a federal ministry, for instance the Ministry of the Interior. Just to quote a significant joke: Government lies, and newspapers lie, but in a democracy they are different lies. And I might add: In a democracy they are supposed to be different.

Another crucial factor for media usage is the lack of money. It’s a fact that most Batswana can’t afford a TV set, a satellite dish and even 4 Pula for a newspaper. Even since Botswana is one of the richest countries in Africa, the wealth is distributed unequally. For this reason most people who are actually keen to consume media are just kept outside. For example, “The Voice” which labels itself as “Botswana’s best selling newspaper”, prints about 30000 copies, if the paper’s own data is correct (The Voice 2008). Compared to about 1,7 million Batswana even this print run appears to be pretty low. A closer look to “The Daily News” shows that people basically go for newspapers: This freely distributed newspaper is read consistently by people of all age groups. It is even used in non-formal education sessions as a text for reading practising (Thapisa 2003, 162). Besides, the Batswana meet the basic prerequisite for reading newspapers since the literacy rate among adults is as high as 79 per cent (World Bank 2005, 308).

Botswana is a big country, and the distances between the printing site and the places of living of the readers can be large. For example, a newspaper like “Mmegi – The reporter”, which is printed in Tlokweng near Gaborone, must be transported almost 400 kilometres to get to Kang, and about 800 kilometres to be sold at the filling station in Mamuno. Having that in mind it is no surprise that in more remote settlements even the freshly delivered newspapers are at least one day old. Being around in south west Botswana on several journeys since 1999, it happened only once to me that I met a man delivering the same day issue of a newspaper. It have been copies of “Mmegi – The reporter”, and certainly I directly bought one. On the other hand, Batswana don’t seem to be too much bemused if the newspaper is old – for German measures. True to the motto “There is no hurry in Botswana” they allow even a “daily” newspaper being some days late. By the way, subscriptions for newspapers aren’t common for individuals. Only some ministries, enterprises and embassies in Gaborone and Francistown don’t have to buy their newspapers on the street or at the filling station since the “Botswana Book Centre” is putting their copies aside.

Last, but not least, one has to keep in mind that readers are individuals who like and dislike the one or another newspaper. A research compiled in 2003 delivers enlightening data: More than two thirds of the readers like “Mmegi – The Reporter” most. 57 per cent read “The Daily News”, 38 per cent the “Botswana Guardian”, 30 per cent “The Voice”, 28 per cent the “Botswana Gazette” and 16 per cent the “Midweek Sun”. “The Daily News” and “Botswana Gazette” are mostly read by those who had no or few educational qualifications: 86 per cent of the respondents with no formal education read the “Daily News”. Those who were employed by organizations, part-timers and the unemployed read the “Botswana Daily News”. (Thapisa 2003, 161)

Having the huge geographic dimensions of Botswana in mind, it is no surprise that electronic media, especially radio transmissions, are better capable of supplying most citizens with information: „Since independence, Radio Botswana has clearly been the dominant mass media, reaching schools, villages, workplaces and homes in virtually every corner of this […] country.“ (Zaffiro 2000, 88) If Batswana have access to electronic media, they get this access most likely via a radio receiver. „In Botswana, radio is the most important source of political information for voters – second only to direct, face-to-face personal communications via rallies and town meetings. (Zaffiro 2000, 89). More than 90 per cent of the Batswana own a radio (Thapisa 2003, 157). This is a contrast to the usage and ownership of TV receivers: 30 per cent do not watch television. More than 80 per cent of those who do not watch TV do not have access to it. 4 per cent can’t afford it – and 4 per cent say they don’t like TV. (Thapisa 2003, 160)

The information centred and advertisement free RB1 is the station most people listen to (72 per cent), followed by RB2 (54 per cent). “Radio Motsweding” which is from the South African Broadcasting Corporation and being aired in Setswana is listened by 22 per cent. The Gaborone based stations Yarona FM and Gabz FM are listened by 21 and 13 per cent. Older people are more likely to listen to RB1. The younger listen more likely to RB2, Gabz FM and Yarona FM (Thapisa 2003, 159). Thapisa states: „People who had fewer educational qualifications were most likely not to spend most of their time listening to the radio. […] The groups who reported that hey listened often were those with diplomas (37.2 per cent), O Levels (34.9 per cent), Junior certificate (34.3 per cent) and degree holders at 33.1 per cent.“ (Thapisa 2003, 159)

72 per cent listen daily to the radio. Programmes have most listeners in the evening between 6 and 9 pm. This is in sharp contrast to the peak hours in German radio which are in the morning hours. One could say that in this respect too Botswana is making a difference. (Thapisa 2003, 158, 162)

Almost three quarter of the participants of the research interviews watch BTV. The most frequently reasons for watching is because BTV is the national television station (28 per cent) and because BTV offers local programmes not shown on other stations (22 percent). What should take the makers of BTV aback is the fact that only 16 per cent watch if because they like BTV’s programme. (Thapisa 2003, 160). If there can be more generalizations be made, it is the fact that the younger the viewer the more frequently they watch TV and that more women watch more likely TV than men.

Also for the electronic media it can be summarized that access is a matter of resources like money and formal education: „Although radio and television are very powerful information disseminators, only the educated and the rich seem to be able to have access to these media. […] Level of education therefore had an influence on media access and media behaviour.” (Thapisa 2003, 162) Those with little or no formal education tended not to possess television sets in their households while those with diplomas, degrees, O Levels and Junior Certificates do so. Those without any kind of education were least expected to own any television sets or radios. (Thapisa 2003, 162)

Being Content

Analysing media content is a somewhat dull business. For decades researchers have been worried about the best ways to parametrize newspapers and broadcasts. Scientists have been measuring out the physical dimensions of news articles and photos, counting more active and more passive words and judging on political attitudes of editorials. More sophisticated approaches try to look over the reader’s shoulder while consuming the newspaper trying to reveal what kind of articles are really read. I can’t proceed this deep, but I try to summarize some common facts.

The typical format for daily newspapers in Botswana is the tabloid press. This only refers to the format itself but not not the content as well. Nevertheless, most papers have lead stories that are at least a little bit yellow press: “Chief threatens to demolish school” (“The Botswana Gazette”), “Body parts litter field” (“The Ngami Times”), “Fire At The Dam” (“Monitor”) and “Graveyard Horror” (“The Voice”). The only exception is “Mmegi – The Reporter” whose headlines on the font page read more seriously, but less thrilling as well “Botswana powerless on Mugabe”, “More problems for Daisy Loo boss”, “Opposition talks collapse” and “The face of new fares”. All papers use bold letters for their headlines, reflecting the fact that they are competing for readers every day since subscriptions and home delivery is not common in Botswana. When one researcher states that in the newspapers „mostly elite and privileged urban-centred voices are articulated“ (Nyamnjoh 2002, 762) it seems that patterns of content have shifted towards more tabloid stories.

There were times (and maybe they are still) when the media wasn’t able to satisfy this demand for news from Botswana. For example, the Botswana Press Agency (BOPA) suffered from „chronic staff shortages and lack of resources“ (Zaffiro 2000, 92). Reporting from rural areas through BOPA district offices was these days almost in the hands of teenage national service draftees, sent to work after a short journalism course to offices without vehicles. Even BOPA messengers and drivers have been urged to work as reporters.“ (Zaffiro 2000, 96) By 1995, BOPA could barely supply RB with enough national news for the four daily 20-minute English Setswana bulletins. (Zaffiro 2000, 93). This situation has apparently improved: On an average working day BOPA publishes between 20 and 40 news stories, but the contributions are still government centric (“Gaolathe credits Mogae for growth”, “Masunga pays tribute to president” or “Eleven train in pig farming”).

Most journalists in Botswana are secondary school graduates – they are young, inexperienced and don’t have any formal media training. “Young reporters must find their own way” (Zaffiro 2000, 96), but this is said to be changing bit by bit since the late 90s.  Working for media is reported to have a mean status, since the salaries are low. (Zaffiro 2000, 96)

Lack of available staff appears to be one of the central themes: For example, when Botswana National Television Service (BNTS) started in June 1998, expatriates were to be hired since Batswana didn’t meet the requirements. After a call for trainees more than 2000 people applied for positions with the BNTS, but only 8 were selected for a six week assessment course for production and technical trainees. Other trainees for the national television had to schooled in the UK and RSA since there were no training facilities in Botswana itself. (Zaffiro 2000, 95). “Botswana media have suffered from chronic turnover,insufficient numbers of approved posts, and lack of trained personnel.“ (Zaffiro 2000, 96)

Most newspaper stories are about incidents in Botswana. There are hardly any international news or articles about foreign policy. There is a clear focus on news from Africa, whereas news from other parts of the world are at the utmost “International Briefs” (“Mmegi – The Reporter”). I don’t want to judge on this fact, and obviously there is a clear reader’s demand for genuine Botswana news.

The weak part of this orientation in respect of content is the party intolerant way of reporting: „Concerned by the rising xenophobia, Ditshwanelo, a human rights NGO, organised a one-day workshop […] on ‚Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Other Related Intolerances in Botswana‘. All editors acknowledge the problem as real, and seek to link it with growing joblessness among Batswana and perceptions among ‚locals‘ that ‚foreigners‘ are having it easy, siphoning the sweat of their labour, as it were.“ (Nyamnjoh 2002, 773) This attitude in the media can lead to kinky outcomes: In March 2001 a Botswana government lorry transporting illegal Zimbabwean immigrants for deportation had an heavy accident. 15 of its 50 passengers died. The press reports in were more critical on illegal immigration than dealing with the accident and the death toll. (Nyamnjoh 2002, 768)

One researches speaks loud and clear about the development: „The newspapers […] are full of accounts by parliamentarians, members of the House of Chiefs and concerned Batswana from various walks of life about: unscrupulous foreign investors taking advantage of Botswana’s generosity an favourable investment environment; Chinese traders flooding markets with ‚di-fong kong‘ [„Cheap, poor quality made-in-China merchandise“ as named in the “Botswana Guardian” on 30th March 2001] or absconding with wages of their employees after benefiting from government financial incentives; Zimbabwean illegal immigrants in search of better economic opportunities but ungrateful enough to indulge in criminal activities; Makwerekwere [a pretty offensive term for black Africans] expatriates from the rest of Africa, some of whom – with faked qualifications an doctored CVs – are earning better salaries and enjoying generous allowances and gratuities, which provokes the envy of their local counterparts at the University of Botswana and elsewhere; Indian business men and women who celebrate easy success through ostentatious consumption of flashy cars and arrogant display of wealth not always earned in a decent way; a Pakistan national who defrauds customs and clients alike in second-handy car deals with Japan; Boers (Maburu) who flee from the new South Africa to rekindle their racism to Batswana hosts almost with impunity; ungrateful foreigners (especially makgowa – whites from Europe and North America) who dare to accuse Batswana of ‚a cattle-post mentality‘, beeing ‚promiscuous‘, ‚lazy and happy to watch the world go by‘, as an excuse for appropriating their birthrights; concerns over scams that facilitate illegal immigration through ‚fixing passports or travel documents‘ and the sale of Botswana passports to foreigners by the department of Immigration and Citizenship.“ (Nyamnjoh 2002, 769f)

The roots for this egocentric perception lie, besides prevailing poverty and rising unemployment, in the first years after independence. In these days there has been a consensus in the media of being conformist for the sake of nation building: “The main thrust was towards the emergence of a national conformity around dominant Tswana ethnic groups, culture and language. The state media played a major role in promoting and enforcing this trend. […] Since then, dissenting voices, dramatic headlines and sensational allegations of tribalism have featured regularly in the newspapers and on popular radio programmes […].“ (Nyamnjoh 2002, 759)

Barely legal

Under which legal circumstances are journalists in Botswana working? Revealing the de jure working conditions is much more than reporting from side scenes. Journalists in Western Europe take their rights for granted too often, ignoring that in other parts of the world their fellow colleagues have to fight for every piece of information they are longing for from office bearers. If Government doesn’t have any duties to reveal information to the public, it is as sure as death and taxes that politicians and public officers are making politics behind closed doors and are considering publicity as a trouble maker. But bringing topics in front of the public is what journalism is all about. If that is limited, than democracy is limited as well because the people themselves are constricted in their right to know what is going on in their country, what is done by the politicians they elected and what is financed with the taxes paid.

Having a first look to the constitution can be telling: „Firstly, media freedom is not expressly guaranteed but is merely to be interfered from the general freedom of expression provisions. Secondly, one of the possible consequences of the broad grounds for limiting freedom of expression is that laws that undermine this freedom are presumed to be constitutional unless declared otherwise by the court.“ (Fombad 2002, 654)

In terms of freedom of the press, non governmental organization (NGO) „Freedom House“ states for the Sub Sahara region that 8 countries were rated free, 19 were rated partly free, and 21 have to be classified as not free (Freedom House 2007). Since 2005 Botswana is rated as partly free, a downgrading from the free status it has occupied for years. The trigger for this downgrading was the deportation of two Zimbabwean journalists, Charles Chirinda and Rodrick Mukumbira, as well as the deportation of the Australian-born scientist Kenneth Good. Chirinda and Mukumbira had criticized Botswana’s state policies. The government used immigration legislation to get rid of the foreign journalists with their – in government’s perception – inconvenient point of view. Officially, both journalists were not given any specific reason for their deportation. The case of Good was widely discussed in the media not funded and controlled by the Botswana government: The academic had criticized some elements of Botswana’s political system as undemocratic. The National Security Act, enacted in 1986 as a protection against apartheid South Africa, was used to spirit Good away. He has not yet been allowed to return to Botswana. (Freedom House 2005, 2007)

There are even older voices that share those concerns: „Several recent incidents show that the future of free expression on the PSM [Public Service Media] in Botswana can no longer be take for granted.“ (Fombad 2002, 663). So far I can say that Botswana had made some steps backward, although it is far away from being comparable to countries like Zimbabwe or Sudan. On the other hand, NGO „Reporters without Frontiers“, which is run and funded mostly by journalists, is less crucial than „Freedom House“. In their latest annual report for Africa, „Reporters without frontiers“ state: „In the South African zone of influence, for example, Namibia and Botswana guarantee a satisfactory level of press freedom, with many deficiencies but nevertheless comparable to western democracies.“ (Reporters without frontiers, 2008, 3).

None the less there are some incidents that provide enlightening insights how members of government rate the work of journalists: In 2002, for example, government criticised BTV for reporting on the forceful and even violent expulsion of squatters by the Ministry of Housing. Later, a Permanent Secretary in the Office of the President made clear that “the functions of the BTV were to broadcast news that promoted government policies and not reports that ‚encourage troubles and criticize the government‘.” (Fombad 2002, 663) In 1989, the Minister with responsibility for information and broadcasting warned government journalists that, ‚Radio Botswana and the Daily News cannot operate like the private media‘, because they were vehicles through which the government communicates with the people. (Fombad 2002, 661f). In 2007, a senior government minister threatened journalists that they could „lose their licences“ to report if what they write is deemed by the government to be „inaccurate“. (The Voice, 2007) And some office bearer don’t even hide their kinky definition of freedom: „In general, the government’s position has throughout been that the official media purveys official information; therefore, civil servants who work for it are controlled by civil service conventions. They are free to report anything they want as long as they toe the official line.“ (Fombad 2002, 662)

A government is never an end in itself, it must be the government of the people, for the people and by the people. This can only come true with transparency offered only by the media. But in this respect the government control of the whole lot of media as well as the regulation frenzy of government officials and their blaming and bullying of journalists could turn out to backfire. The government media lack credibility, and since these media types are consumed most, government itself loses legitimacy. „[…] Some though that [the “Botswana Daily News”] was capitulating too much towards government views and lacked editorial independence or autonomy.“ (Thapisa 2003, 162) Of those who refuse to read the “Botswana Daily News”, 26 per cent did not like its style of reporting. Of those who preferred to read papers other than the “Botswana Daily News”, 83 per cent thought that those papers contained most of the information they needed, 5 per cent liked their reporting style and 3 per cent like their objectivity and professionalism. (Thapisa 2003, 160)

It seems that the public is at least aware what kind of harm government impact can do to the truth: The audience feels that in more and more issues radio and television broadcast what the government wants to hear or what it considered presentable to the nation. “The media therefore were seen as neither free, independent nor transparent agents. The conclusion is a deep hit for Africa’s model country Botswana: “Both TV and radio were regarded as ‚government-mouthpieces‘ or ‚government-say-so‘ stations.“ (Thapisa 2003, 162). It’s a slap in the face of those politicians demanding in their “Long Term Vision 2016” that Botswana shall become „an educated and informed nation“. Their wishful thinking is that “the society of Botswana by the year 2016 will be free and democratic, a society where information on the operations of Government, private sector and other organisations is freely available to all citizens. There will be a culture of transparency and accountability.” (Presidential Task Group 1997, 3) I’m wondering how this commendable aim is to be achieved with the recently reported tight grip on freedom of press.

Below the shiny democratic surface Botswana suffers of some serious and still unsolved problems. “Low public awareness about government activities, citizen apathy about politics, low voter registration and turnout, a culture of administrative secrecy, further fragmentation of opposition parties, persistent poverty, unemployment and economic inequality, angry student protests and increasingly insistent demands for gender rights.“ (Zaffiro 2000, 87). The good news is that so many things in Botswana are changing, so why shouldn’t the conditions for journalists and media improve? The whole country is emerging, and it can emerge from those shadows as well. Maybe one fine day Botswana’s newsmen get their share of press freedom, and the citizens claim their rights of information and transparency.




  • BDZV (2007): Bund deutscher Zeitungsverleger, Zeitungen 2007 auf einen Blick (, 5th February 2008
  • Fombad, Charles Manga (2002): The Protection of Freedom of Expression in the Public Service Media in Southern Africa: a Botswana Perspective, in: The Modern Law Review, 65 (5)
  • Freedom House (2005): Map of Press Freedom – Botswana (, 4th February 2008
  • Freedom House (2007): Map of Press Freedom – Botswana (, 4th February 2008
  • Mmegi (2008): Ethics Please, Duma FM, in: Mmegi – The Reporter ,23th January 2008 (, 8. February 2008
  • Nyamnjoh, Francis B. (2002): Local Attitudes towards Citizenship and Foreigners in Botswana: An Appraisal of Recent Press Stories, in: Journal of Southern African Studies, 28 (4)
  • Presidential Task Group for a long term Vision for Botswana (1997): Vision 2016. Towards Prosperity For All, Government Printing and Publishing Services, Gaborone
  •  Reporters without frontiers (2008): Africa Annual Report 2007, Léonard Vincent (Ed.), Paris
  •  Tapisa, A. P. N. (2003): The use of print and electronic media in Botswana, in: Journal of Librarianship and Information Science, 35 (3)
  •  The Voice (2007): A License to Report. Editorial (, 19th July 2007
  •  The Voice (2008): About Us (, 10th February 2008
  •  World Bank (Hrsg.) (2005): World Development Report 2005: A better Investment Climate for Everyone, Droste, Düsseldorf
  •  Zaffiro, James Joseph (2000): Broadcasting Reform and Democratization in Botswana, in: Africa Today, 47 (1)



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